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Music and coping summary article essay

A Review of Research on Music and Coping in Adolescence
Dave Miranda
University of Ottawa
The notion that music can be used by young people to cope with stress is very intuitive and extremely
popular. This literature review presents a critical outline of published studies relevant to music and
coping in adolescence. First, musical coping is defined in terms of when adolescents use musical
activities as cognitive, emotional, and behavioral strategies to manage their stress. More specifically,
musical coping is grounded in four assumptions positing that it represents: a conscious regulation strategy
against stress, a multidimensional phenomenon, a potential source of either developmental benefits or
detriments, and a reflection of diversity. Second, musical coping is examined in the context of music
listening. Third, musical coping is discussed in terms of music making across recreational and performance settings. Research issues are underscored and potential solutions are suggested as directions for
future research.
Keywords: music, coping, stress, adolescence, development
The notion that music can be used by young people to cope with
stress is very intuitive and extremely popular. Accordingly, the use
of music for coping in adolescence has been noticed by various
scholars over the past 30 years (Arnett, 1995; Kurdek, 1987;
Miranda & Claes, 2009; ter Bogt, Mulder, Raaijmakers, & Nic
Gabhainn, 2011). Therefore, it now seems timely to present what
is possibly the first literature review on coping and music in
adolescence.
There are at least three reasons for which adolescents’ use of
music for coping with stress is a pertinent research question in
psychology. First, coping successfully with stressors contributes to
adolescent development. Coping can help adolescents to maintain
resilience against the risk that stressful circumstances pose for
developing psychopathological symptoms (Compas et al., 2017;
Grant, Compas, Thurm, McMahon, & Gipson, 2004). Second,
music can be a significant influence in youth development. During
adolescence—a period of transition and maturation toward adulthood—music often becomes a fascination and can impact individual, social, and cultural development; adolescents not only decide
to be exposed to huge amounts of music, they also self-initiate
different uses for music, including for coping (Miranda, 2013;
Miranda, Blais-Rochette, Vaugon, Osman, & Arias-Valenzuela,
2015 – Research Paper Writing Help Service). Third, music in itself has been shown to impact stress. For
example, at a physiological level, being exposed to music may
reduce stress as evidenced by a decrease in its biomarkers (e.g.,
cortisol; Chanda & Levitin, 2013; Fancourt, Ockelford, & Belai,
2014: 2024 – Essay Writing Service | Write My Essay For Me Without Delay; Yehuda, 2011). At a psychological level, young people also
report the subjective experience that music has a relaxing effect
and that it relieves them from stress (Miranda & Claes, 2009;
North, Hargreaves, & O’Neill, 2000).
The objective of this article is thereby to review published
studies relevant to music and coping in adolescence. First,
grounded on the current coping literature, a definition of musical
coping is presented along with basic assumptions. Second, musical
coping is examined in the context of music listening. Third,
musical coping is discussed in terms of music making across
recreational and performance settings. Research issues are underscored and potential solutions are suggested as directions for future
research. Overall, this review focuses on musical coping in the
context of everyday life during adolescence. Therefore, it does not
address the literature on coping in music therapy or in other
music-related interventions.
The overarching contribution of this review is that it is probably
the first to focus on music and coping in adolescence. Recent and
pertinent theoretical work has already been dedicated to understanding emotion regulation through music listening (see review
by Baltazar & Saarikallio, 2016: 2024 – Do my homework – Help write my assignment online). However, as it will be explained
later, coping and emotion regulation are interconnected but distinctive constructs. In particular, the present review provides five
specific contributions. First, it provides a highly focused outlook
on the special case of musical self-regulation under stress. Selfregulation subsumes several agentic and goal-oriented processes
that maintain psychological adjustment, including coping and
emotion regulation (Compas et al., 2014: 2024 – Essay Writing Service | Write My Essay For Me Without Delay). Recently, emotion regulation through music has been increasingly theorized as a special
case of self-regulation (Baltazar & Saarikallio, 2016: 2024 – Do my homework – Help write my assignment online). In turn, now
is the time to further theorize about musical coping as a special
case of self-regulation. Second, this review provides a more direct
view of musical coping during the developmental period of adolescence. Third, unlike several reviews in music psychology, the
present one attempts to consider both music listening and music
making behaviors in adolescence. As we will see, this is not
necessarily straightforward but at least it can efficiently identify
This article was published Online First January 7, 2019: 2024 – Online Assignment Homework Writing Help Service By Expert Research Writers.
This paper is an original work. It has not been previously presented at a
scientific conference and it has not been posted elsewhere.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Dave
Miranda, School of Psychology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of
Ottawa, 136 Jean-Jacques Lussier (Vanier Hall), K1N 6N5 Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. E-mail: dave.miranda@uottawa.ca
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
Psychomusicology: Music, Mind, and Brain
© 2019: 2024 – Online Assignment Homework Writing Help Service By Expert Research Writers American Psychological Association 2019: 2024 – Online Assignment Homework Writing Help Service By Expert Research Writers, Vol. 29, No. 1, 1–9
0275-3987/19/$12.00 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/pmu0000229
1
many substantial caveats in the field of musical coping. Future
work in music psychology will probably need to increasingly
examine both musical experiences—listening to and making music—notably because of the increased accessibility and usability of
powerful music making technologies. Fourth, this review integrates conceptual issues (e.g., assumptions) and methodological
issues (e.g., measurement), whereas other reviews have often focused only on one or the other. That being said, more than just
criticizing, this review also offers methodological ways to resolve
such issues. Fifth, this review is one more step toward bridging
research on musical coping and musical emotion regulation. Thus
far, unfortunately, there has been insufficient dialogue between
different research programs on coping and those on emotion regulation in psychology (Compas et al., 2014: 2024 – Essay Writing Service | Write My Essay For Me Without Delay). As a result, researchers have often debated about the precedence of their favorite
concept over the other. Hence, this review can enable researchers
in music psychology to stay in tune with and form an educated
opinion about the recent developments regarding this nuanced
debate in psychology.
Musical Coping in Adolescence
Coping is about conscious strategies to manage stress. Coping
can be defined as “conscious volitional efforts to regulate emotion,
cognition, behavior, physiology, and the environment in response
to stressful events or circumstances” (Compas, Connor-Smith,
Saltzman, Thomsen, & Wadsworth, 2001, p. 89). In turn, experiencing stress represents the subjective perception that situational
demands are challenging and exceeding one’s resources to address
them (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Hence, coping is generally
defined as an agentic, purposeful, and goal-oriented effort to
manage stress, which is a self-regulatory process that resides
within one’s conscious awareness (Compas et al., 2001, 2014: 2024 – Essay Writing Service | Write My Essay For Me Without Delay,
2017; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Besides, this is one substantive
reason why coping is a construct that is assessed explicitly through
self-report measures.
These defining elements clarify coping as a distinctive concept.
Notably, it is possible to distinguish coping from emotion regulation even though both concepts share features in common. This
conceptual distinction is important to explain and disseminate in
music psychology, especially given the burgeoning research area
on music and emotion regulation (Baltazar & Saarikallio, 2016: 2024 – Do my homework – Help write my assignment online).
Emotion regulation can be defined as biopsychosocial mechanisms
involved in the supervision, appraisal, and adjustment of emotional
reactions (Thompson, 1994). However, as aptly put by Compas
and collaborators, “coping is both a narrower and broader construct than emotion regulation” (Compas et al., 2017, p. 942). First,
coping can be a more specific case of self-regulation because its
focus is on managing stressors when they occur, whereas emotion
regulation is constantly at play to manage emotions, whether there
is a stressor or not (Compas et al., 2014: 2024 – Essay Writing Service | Write My Essay For Me Without Delay, 2017). For example,
coping would occur when students enjoy listening to their favorite
music on their way home to manage stress that was endured during
a long day of schoolwork. In contrast, for instance, emotion
regulation would occur when students temper sudden bursts of
enthusiasm when their favorite song airs while they are shopping,
without anything being necessarily stressful. Second, coping can
also be a more general case of self-regulation inasmuch as it spans
across a wider repertoire of emotional, cognitive, and behavioral
strategies (Compas et al., 2017). For example, following stressful
interpersonal conflicts with peers, adolescents may not only listen
to songs to manage their mixed-feelings (emotional process) but
also to think about solutions to the conflicts (cognitive process) or
else to simply distract themselves and sidestep doing anything
about it (behavioral process). Moreover, although coping is primarily a controlled self-regulation process that is accessible to
one’s awareness, emotion regulation encompasses such controlled
process as well as some unconscious automatic processes (Compas
et al., 2014: 2024 – Essay Writing Service | Write My Essay For Me Without Delay). Accordingly, in music psychology, some authors
have underscored the conscious aspect of engaging in musical
coping during adolescence (Miranda & Claes, 2009), whereas
others have postulated that engagement in musical emotion regulation can be goal oriented whether within or outside of adolescents’ awareness (Saarikallio & Erkkilä, 2007). Finally, although
conceptually coping and emotion regulation can partially overlap,
empirically they do not excessively overlap. Indeed, studies generally find small to moderate correlations between measures of
coping and those of emotion regulation (Andreotti et al., 2013;
Balzarotti, John, & Gross, 2010 – Essay Writing Service: Write My Essay by Top-Notch Writer; Beath, Jones, & Fitness, 2015 – Research Paper Writing Help Service;
Gross & John, 2003).
Coping consists of many different strategies. For example, in
their classical theory of coping, Lazarus and Folkman (1984)
distinguished between problem-focused and emotion-focused
coping. Carver and Connor-Smith (2010 – Essay Writing Service: Write My Essay by Top-Notch Writer) underscored some of
the main forms of coping identified by researchers as being:
problem-focused versus emotion-focused, primary-control and
secondary-control (accommodative/meaning focused), proactive, and especially engagement/approach versus disengagement/avoidance coping. In their extensive review of coping
assessments, Skinner, Edge, Altman, and Sherwood (2003) identified at least 400 coping strategies. In their hierarchical model,
they identified 13 potential families of coping: problem solving,
support seeking, escape-avoidance, distraction, cognitive restructuring, rumination, helplessness, social withdrawal, emotional regulation, information seeking, negotiation, opposition, and delegation. Recently, Compas et al. (2017) organized child and
adolescent coping according to three levels: a few broad domains
(e.g., total coping, adaptive coping, maladaptive coping), some
intermediate factors (e.g., problem-focused, emotion-focused, engagement/approach, disengagement, primary control, secondary
control, and social support), or many specific strategies (e.g.,
problem solving, avoidance). In sum, no consensus has yet been
reached regarding the hierarchical structure that could organize
coping strategies (Compas et al., 2001, 2017; Skinner et al., 2003).
Coping strategies can be tied with beneficial or detrimental
outcomes during development. For instance, in childhood and
adolescence, there are forms of coping that are generally interpreted as being potentially beneficial (e.g., primary control, secondary control) as they tend to be associated with less psychopathological symptoms, whereas there are also forms of coping
that are usually interpreted as being putatively detrimental (e.g.,
disengagement coping, avoidance) as they tend to be associated
with more psychopathological symptoms (Compas et al., 2017).
However, in turn, it is possible that psychopathological symptoms
may also restrain beneficial forms of coping and fuel detrimental
ones (Compas et al., 2017).
Coping is marked by developmental and sociocultural diversity.
In terms of age, for instance, coping displays increasing maturity
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2 MIRANDA
in its capacities (e.g., self-reliant, diverse, and sophisticated behavioral and cognitive strategies) and deployment (i.e., judicious
use according to stressors) from childhood to adolescence
(Zimmer-Gembeck & Skinner, 2011). In terms of gender, for
example, compared with males, females may use each of many
adaptive (e.g., active coping) and maladaptive (e.g., avoidance)
coping strategies to a greater extent (Tamres, Janicki, & Helgeson,
2002). In terms of culture, for instance, adolescents from different
regions of the world can display cultural similarities (e.g., overall
competence in coping) and yet some cultural differences in their
coping patterns (Persike & Seiffge-Krenke, 2016: 2024 – Do my homework – Help write my assignment online).
In light of the current literature on coping, musical coping can
be suggested as a concept that define when adolescents use musical activities as cognitive, emotional, and behavioral strategies to
manage their stress1
, and four assumptions can be theorized to
explain this concept (see also Miranda & Claes, 2009).
• Assumption 1: Musical coping is a conscious regulation
strategy against stress.
• Assumption 2: Musical coping is multidimensional because it consists of diverse facets.
• Assumption 3: Musical coping is tied with both beneficial
and detrimental outcomes during development.
• Assumption 4: Musical coping reflects developmental and
sociocultural diversity.
Music Listening
Musical coping in adolescence has been primarily studied in the
context of self-initiated music listening in everyday life. As such,
musical coping generally occurs in recreational settings because
music listening in itself is not the object of competition or performance. However, nowadays, music has become ubiquitous and
thereby it is likely that some adolescents listen to their favorite
music during certain competitive and performance activities (e.g.,
sports).
Everyday Life Setting
There is preliminary evidence supporting the four assumptions
underlying musical coping in adolescence. For instance, in a
cross-sectional study in Québec (Canada), Miranda and Claes
(2009) examined the extent to which 418 adolescents purposively
listen to their favorite music to cope with stress arising from
academic, interpersonal, and family issues. More specifically, they
measured three facets of musical coping: emotional management,
problem-solving, and avoidance while listening to music. They
performed a hierarchical regression. In girls, problem-solving via
musical coping was associated with less depression, whereas
avoidance via musical coping was associated with more depression. In boys, emotional management via musical coping was
associated with more depression. Overall, when compared with
boys, girls engaged in more of each facet of musical coping.
Therefore, findings revealed gender differences in the potential
positive and negative impact of musical coping on mental health.
There is also early evidence that musical coping may impact
adolescent personality development. In a 6-month longitudinal
study in Québec (Canada), Miranda, Gaudreau, and Morizot
(2010 – Essay Writing Service: Write My Essay by Top-Notch Writer) observed whether musical coping with stressful problems
(at school, with friends, and with family) could predict neuroticism
changes in 336 adolescents. Notably, their longitudinal design
controlled for neuroticism at baseline and accounted for the interplay among three facets of musical coping (emotional, problemsolving, and avoidance) and gender. They performed a moderated
regression. Interestingly, problem-solving musical coping predicted a reduction in neuroticism when those adolescents with
higher neuroticism disengaged from avoidant musical coping. Intriguingly, problem-solving musical coping predicted (albeit marginally) an increase in neuroticism when those adolescents with
higher neuroticism presented more avoidant musical coping. In
fact, avoidant musical coping predicted an increase in neuroticism
even in those adolescents lower in neuroticism. Moreover, emotional management via musical coping predicted (though marginally) an increase in neuroticism in those adolescent girls who
presented more avoidant musical coping. In boys, engaging in
avoidant musical coping predicted an increase in neuroticism.
Overall, girls engaged in more musical coping across all three
facets when compared with boys. In sum, findings suggest that
musical coping may partially shape the development of neuroticism during a high school year.
In some cases, it seems that adolescents who engage in less
musical coping also display better mental health. ter Bogt et al.
(2011) conducted a cross-sectional study that identified five uses
for music in 997 Dutch adolescents and young adults2
: music
importance, mood enhancement, coping with problems, defining
personal identity, and marking social identity. Interestingly, items
for the coping factor seemed to pertain to how music provides
some kind of existential, social, and emotional support. However,
their coping items were not specific to stress nor were they
operationalized within stressful situations. Moreover, one item
pertaining to musical relaxation and musical distraction was actually part of mood enhancement rather than coping. Latent class
analysis (LCA) based on the five aforementioned factors identified
a typology of three groups of music listeners: high-involved
(19.7% of participants), medium-involved (74.2% of participants),
and low-involved listeners (6.1% of participants). Among several
intriguing results, in terms of coping, the low-involved listeners
consisted of the group who reported the least coping through music
but also the least symptoms of depression and anxiety. ter Bogt et
al. (2011) suggested that those participants’ little use of music for
coping may have been the result of them having less problems to
cope with.
In other cases, it seems that adolescents who engage in more
musical coping can also display poorer mental and physical health,
as well as more social issues. Kuntsche, Le Mével, and Berson
(2016: 2024 – Do my homework – Help write my assignment online) conducted a cross-sectional study on motives for listening
to music in a representative sample of 4,524 Swiss adolescents. In
their study, coping through music listening was measured with
items that primarily pertained to negative mood management and
avoidance. Results from structural equation modeling showed that
coping via music listening was associated with having more health
1 The term musical coping refers to coping through music. Here, it is
used for practical reasons, as it is easier than saying, for instance, “coping
through music listening” or “coping through music making.” 2 Participants were late adolescents on average and their age ranged from
12 to 29 years. Also, ter Bogt et al. mentioned that there were no age
differences in uses for music between younger participants (i.e., younger
than 21 years of age) and older ones.
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MUSICAL COPING 3
and social issues, including somatic complaints, aggressive mood,
depressed mood, physical powerlessness, poorer self-rated health,
lower life satisfaction, school pressure, and being bullied. Also,
girls reported listening to music for coping more often than boys.
And, older adolescents also presented more coping through music
listening than younger ones. According to Kuntsche and collaborators, coping via music listening may allow adolescents not only
to cope with issues and ailments but also to compensate for
negative experiences while allaying negative emotions.
Musical coping may pertain to avoidance coping in the context
of unstructured leisure activities. For example, Hutchinson, Baldwin, and Oh (2006 – Write a paper; Professional research paper writing service – Best essay writers) used a cross-sectional design to study interrelations between different types of coping with stress (active,
accommodative/distraction, and avoidance) and structured or unstructured leisure activities (e.g., music listening) among 152 early
adolescents in the United States. In their study, listening to music
was considered to be an unstructured leisure activity. Results
indicated that watching TV/listening to music correlated with more
coping (active-accommodative and avoidance). However, subsequent regression analyses revealed only a significant link between
avoidant coping and watching TV/music listening. That being said,
watching TV/music listening were measured with the same item
and thereby the link between music and coping was confounded
with that of TV and coping.
A primarily cognitive approach to music listening could be
linked to adaptive coping, whereas a primarily emotional approach
to music listening could be linked to maladaptive coping. In
Germany, Leipold and Loepthien (2015 – Research Paper Writing Help Service) conducted a series of two
cross-sectional studies that, respectively, examined links between
music reception (attentive-analytical and emotional listening) and
emotion regulation (accommodative coping and rumination)
among 521 adults and 152 adolescents. Emotion regulation was
conceptualized as an adaptation to stress, but it is unclear whether
participants rated the emotion regulation measure while thinking
of stressors. In the sample of adolescents, results from structural
equation modeling revealed that attentive-analytical listening (i.e.,
cognitive musical experiences) was related to more accommodative coping (i.e., adapting goals to situational constraints) and to
less rumination, whereas emotional listening (i.e., emotional musical experiences) was related to more rumination.3 In terms of
gender and age differences, being a girl was linked to more
emotional listening and being younger was associated with more
attentive-analytical listening.
In the psychology of music in adolescence, researchers often use
musical coping items in their questionnaires, however, without
measuring a coping construct. For example, in England, North et
al. (2000) conducted a cross-sectional study with a large sample of
2,465 adolescents. They found three factors that summarized different reasons for listening to music: creating external impression,
fulfilling emotional needs, and enjoyment. Yet, some items underlying the fulfillment of emotional needs could also pertain to
coping (e.g., “to help get through difficult times,” “to relieve
tension/stress”; p. 265). The fact that at least a few coping-relevant
items have been used to measure other constructs—often somewhat related to emotion regulation—can also be found in other
studies with adolescents or late adolescents (Lonsdale & North,
2011; Saarikallio, 2008 – Affordable Custom Essay Writing Service | Write My Essay from Pro Writers; Tarrant, North, & Hargreaves, 2000).
Summary
In the context of music listening, there is preliminary evidence
that musical coping involves self-initiated stress management, is
multifaceted, is tied with both beneficial and detrimental outcomes, and reflects diversity. However, there are still many important research issues. Notably, studies rarely define and test
explicit assumptions regarding musical coping.
In terms of stress management, although the term coping is used
by authors, it is often unclear whether they are studying coping
with stress per se. At least two solutions can be suggested. First,
researchers can directly ask participants the extent to which they
listen to music to cope with stressful issues. Second, they could
also measure stressors and perceived stress independently of musical coping strategies. In terms of multidimensionality, authors
often approach musical coping as a unidimensional phenomenon.
However, a unidimensional approach to coping (e.g., total coping)
is suboptimal as it can hide the different properties of its various
facets (Compas et al., 2017). The solution to this is twofold: (a)
developing and using multidimensional measures of musical coping or (b) examining the links between music listening and validated multidimensional measures of coping. In terms of benefits
and detriments, the issues are basically tied with a unidimensional
approach to musical coping. For example, researchers who have
essentially measured musical coping as a maladaptive form of
coping (e.g., avoidance or disengagement coping) will likely find
links between musical coping and developmental detriments rather
than developmental benefits. Again, the solution is to use a musical coping scale—or a general coping scale—that includes both
adaptive and maladaptive coping facets (i.e., subscales). In terms
of diversity, studies regularly examined gender differences, and to
some extent age differences, which is in line with the coping
literature. Nevertheless, studies have not examined cultural differences. Therefore, an optimal solution would be for future studies to
consider interactions between age (e.g., years of age or different
developmental periods), gender (e.g., diverse gender identities),
and culture (e.g., ethnocultural identities and sociocultural contexts).
This line of research also displays methodological strengths. For
instance, studies have typically been conducted on relatively large
samples. Statistical analyses were usually sophisticated (i.e., moderated regression, LCA, structural equation modeling). But, there
are also methodological limitations. For example, most studies are
cross-sectional and thus cannot demonstrate predictive links
among variables, especially between musical coping and outcomes. Studies have not thoroughly validated their musical coping
measure with multiple psychometric criteria. Finally, most studies
did not test mediation/moderation models (for examples of such
models in music psychology, see Miranda, Gaudreau, Debrosse,
Morizot, & Kirmayer, 2014: 2024 – Essay Writing Service. Custom Essay Services Cheap), in which musical coping could be,
for example, either a mediator (explicative process) or a moderator
(conditional factor) of the relationships between stressors and
outcomes.
3 In the adult sample, similarly, attentive-analytical listening was linked
to more accommodative coping, whereas emotional listening was linked to
more rumination.
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4 MIRANDA
Music Making
In the context of music making in adolescence, music and coping
has been typically studied in the context of music performance among
students. However, adolescent research has seldom examined music
and coping in the context of recreational music making. This is
surprising given the plausibility that many adolescents may attempt to
manage their stress through making, creating, or producing music
with their voice, an instrument, or a computer.
Performance Setting
Motivation may partially determine coping strategies in adolescent music students. Bonneville-Roussy, Evans, Verner-Filion,
Vallerand, and Bouffard (2017) conducted two studies on motivation, coping, and stress in university students. Of interest for this
review, participants in the first study consisted of 265 music
students who, on average, were late adolescents. Structural equation modeling was performed based on a 2-month longitudinal
design. Autonomous motivation (e.g., intrinsic motives) and controlled motivation (e.g., extrinsic motives) were measured at Time
1. Music performance stress, engagement coping (active coping,
planning, and positive reinterpretation), disengagement coping
(denial, behavioral and mental disengagement, and self-blame),
and intentions to pursue a music performance career were measured at Time 2. In terms of motivational antecedents of coping, in
both females and males, autonomous motivation predicted engagement coping, whereas controlled motivation predicted disengagement coping. Music performance stress was associated with disengagement coping across genders. Disengagement coping was
associated with less career intentions in females, whereas engagement coping was associated with more career intentions in males.
More specifically, engagement coping mediated the relationship
between autonomous motivation and career intentions in males,
whereas disengagement coping mediated the relationship between
controlled motivation and career intentions in females. Levels for
music performance stress and disengagement coping were higher
in female than in male music students. Bonneville-Roussy and
collaborators discussed that although male music students’ career
intentions may have benefited from engagement coping, those
female music students who tended to cope by disengaging from
stressful situations may have also intended to avoid a music
performance career foreseen as highly stressful.
Some forms of coping may help—whereas other forms of coping
may hinder—adolescent music students. In Turkey, Cos¸kun-S¸entürk
and Çırakog˘lu (2018: 2024 – Write My Essay For Me | Essay Writing Service For Your Papers Online) investigated relationships among gender, coping strategies, guilt/shame orientation, stress, and music performance
anxiety (MPA) in 399 music students. The design was cross-sectional
and the sample consisted of university music students who were, on
average, in the closing stage of late adolescence. Five coping styles
were measured from a factor analysis4
: optimistic approach, selfconfident approach, helpless approach, submissive approach, and
social support. Gender differences regarding coping with stress consisted of female music students having higher levels of helpless
coping, submissive coping, and stress than did male music students. In
terms of coping, hierarchical regressions on the entire sample indicated that a helpless approach was linked to more MPA, whereas a
self-confident approach was associated with less MPA. These regressions also indicated that a helpless approach was related to more
stress, whereas social support was associated with less stress. Furthermore, Cos¸kun-S¸entürk and Çırakog˘lu conducted a supplemental series of hierarchical regressions in male and female music students,
respectively. A helpless approach was associated with more MPA and
stress across genders.
Practicing may reveal to be a helpful form of coping in adolescent
musicians. Fehm and Schmidt (2006 – Write a paper; Professional research paper writing service – Best essay writers) conducted a cross-sectional
study on coping and music performance anxiety among 74 adolescent
musicians in Germany. That being said, they did not use a validated
measure of coping. Instead, they identified short-term coping strategies as those used right before a musical performance, whereas
long-term coping strategies as those used to manage performance
anxiety over time. Short-term coping strategies included mental strategies (rehearsing, positive thinking, praying, and relaxation) and
substance-related strategies (smoking and using calming substances).
Students considered mental strategies to be moderately helpful. In
general, results seem to suggest that mental strategies were used more
frequently and were deemed more helpful than substance-related
ones.5 Long-term coping strategies consisted of talking with classmates, talking with friends, talking with teachers, practicing strategies,
relaxation, and counseling/therapy. Notably, students perceived practicing strategies to be the most helpful ones.
However, coping may not always be a significant factor for adolescent music students. For instance, in Australia, Thomas and Nettelbeck (2014: 2024 – Essay Writing Service | Write My Essay For Me Without Delay) examined performance anxiety in 90 adolescent music
students. From a cross-sectional design, they analyzed patterns of
interrelations among music performance anxiety (MPA), anxiety,
personality, gender, and coping. Unproductive coping (e.g., avoidant
behavior) was associated with more MPA.6 However, a hierarchical
regression demonstrated that neuroticism, extraversion, gender, and
unproductive coping did not predict MPA over and above what could
already be predicted from trait anxiety. Hence, trait anxiety was the
most robust predictor of MPA in those adolescent music students.
Adolescent music students and older professional musicians
may differ in the degree to which they use certain coping strategies. For example, in a cross-sectional study, Biasutti and Concina
(2014: 2024 – Essay Writing Service | Write My Essay For Me Without Delay) examined coping, experience, and music performance anxiety among Italian musicians; 97 conservatory students and 74
professionals. The students were in late adolescence on average,
whereas the professionals were in middle adulthood on average. In
terms of coping strategies, results from an ANOVA indicated that
music students reported using social support more often than did
professional musicians. However, students and professionals had
comparable levels for other coping strategies (avoidance, positive
attitude, focus on problem, and transcendence).7
4 Cos¸kun-S¸entürk and Çırakog˘lu did not report the solution (items and
loadings) for the factor analysis and therefore the meaning of each of their
five coping factors is unclear. 5 This is observable from the frequencies and mean levels reported by
Fehm and Schmidt (2006 – Write a paper; Professional research paper writing service – Best essay writers; Figure 1, p. 105), but inferential statistics were
not reported for these comparisons. 6 Thomas and Nettelbeck also mentioned that productive coping (i.e.,
problem-solving) was unrelated to MPA, but unfortunately this statistical
result is not reported in their article. 7 Biasutti and Concina also noticed that within each group of musicians,
avoidance seemed to be the least used coping strategy, whereas focus on
problem the most used coping strategy. However, they did not report
inferential statistics in support of this observation.
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MUSICAL COPING 5
Recreational Setting
In the absence of studies on coping and recreational music
making, there is nonetheless a beginning of evidence that playing
an instrument may reduce stress in adolescence. For instance, in a
quasi-experimental study with pre- and posttests, Toyoshima, Fukui, and Kuda (2011) investigated the effect of brief creative
activities on stress and anxiety in college students, whom were on
average in the closing stage of late adolescence. More specifically,
57 participants were assigned to one of either four 30-min conditions: piano, molding clay, calligraphy, and remaining silent. Participants had many years of experience in their respective artistic
activity. In regards to stress, findings from an ANOVA revealed
that cortisol diminished across all three creative activities, but even
more in the piano condition. Toyoshima and collaborators concluded that music training and education could potentially be used
to foster stress management.
Summary
In the context of music making in adolescence, there is burgeoning evidence that motivation may influence coping, that coping strategies can be tied with beneficial and detrimental outcomes,
that coping may not always be a significant factor when personality traits are considered, and that coping is marked by both
similarity and diversity between music students and older professional musicians. Finally, there is preliminary evidence that playing an instrument outside of a performance setting may reduce
stress in adolescence. Nevertheless, there are still many caveats
that pose a challenge to our understanding of musical coping. In
particular, in this literature, coping and music pertains to how
music students cope with music performance anxiety and stress,
rather than how adolescents cope with stress through making
music.
In terms of stress management, the main caveat is that
studying how adolescents cope with stress from music performance does not correspond to the proposed definition of musical coping (i.e., how adolescents cope with stress through
music). Of course, it remains very important to study how
adolescents cope with music performance anxiety and stress.
Yet, to have a more complete picture, a solution would be to
conduct research on how adolescent musicians (music students
or not) cope with various stressors (related to performance and
not) through music making. In terms of multidimensionality, it
is noteworthy that most studies measured different facets of
coping rather than considering coping as a single variable.
However, much like for the field of coping in general, results
are difficult to compare across studies because they use very
different measures of coping. A solution could be to either
validate a standard coping measure specialized for musicians—or to consistently use the same general coping measure,
and to recruit multiple samples in any given study to test the
replicability of findings. In terms of potential benefits and
detriments, a caveat is that outcomes mostly pertained to performance rather than also considering the broader well-being
and health of adolescent music students. In this sense, a solution
would be to include additional outcome measures to more fully
appreciate how coping is associated with the broader psychosocial development of adolescent musicians. In terms of diversity, some studies considered gender differences, one considered age differences, but none considered cultural differences.
Again, as for music listening, this can be resolved by conducting more research that considers age (e.g., comparing childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and late adulthood), gender (e.g.,
considering different gender identities), and cultural differences
within societies (e.g., ethnocultural identities), as well as across
societies (e.g., comparing individualism and collectivism).
This research arena also shows methodological strengths. For
example, compared with studies on music listening, most studies on music making worked with more established coping
measures. Statistical analyses were usually quite respectable
(i.e., structural equation modeling, hierarchical regression,
ANOVA). Nevertheless, there are also methodological limitations. For instance, studies have usually been conducted on
relatively small samples. Most studies are cross-sectional and
thus cannot determine predictive relationships. Finally, again,
most studies did not test models of moderation or mediation in
which musical coping could be understood as either or both an
explicative process or a conditional factor of the putative impact of stress on outcomes.
Mixing and Remixing a Model of Musical Coping for
the Record
A systematic theory identifying structures and processes of
musical coping would be important to develop to make more
comprehensive and deeper interpretations. Thus far, however, the
rare work on this topic makes this endeavor audacious. Nevertheless, it is possible to sketch a preliminary model through four
conceptual remarks that are illustrated by Figure 1. For the scientific record, this model of musical coping is a work in progress and
will need theoretical mixing and remixing, especially when duly
tested against more empirical findings. This model of musical
coping considers that: (a) music has fundamental physiological
effects; (b) stress can initiate musical coping; (c) one’s musical
coping profile consists of the interplay among emotional, cognitive, and behavioral strategies; and (d) musical coping—especially
emotion-oriented coping—can partially overlap with musical
emotion regulation. Overall, it is important to consider that musical coping strategies are agentic psychological mechanisms that
can also interact with the more automatized physiological effects
of music. For example, passively listening to music may provide
physiological relaxation when stressed; however, the listener may
(or may not) decide to also use music to actively manage a given
stressor.
Music has Fundamental Physiological Effects
The backbeat of musical coping is that music has physiological
effects in at least three ways, which are acknowledged in Figure 1.
First, music can induce physiological relaxation (Chanda & Levitin, 2013). Accordingly, young people report listening to music to
relax (Miranda & Claes, 2009; North et al., 2000). Second, music
can also foster physiological stimulation (Chanda & Levitin,
2013). It is thereby coherent that adolescents also report that music
is energizing (Saarikallio & Erkkilä, 2007). Third, music may also
have limited (or no meaningful) physiological effects. This might
be the case when adolescents dislike or are indifferent to a musical
piece, especially if it is not self-selected. It could also be the case
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6 MIRANDA
for those adolescents who are not fond of music. In the studies, we
reviewed on music listening, it is reasonable to assume that the
music was generally self-selected and appreciated because adolescents self-reported why they listened to music in everyday life.
However, studies on musical coping in adolescence have not
examined both physiological and psychological effects of music.
Hence, future studies on musical coping should adopt a biopsychosocial methodology, notably via integrating subjective selfreport measures with objective biomarkers of stress (e.g., physiological reactions, cortisol levels).
Stress Can Initiate Musical Coping
The prelude to musical coping is that stressors engage one’s
repertoire of coping mechanisms, including the possibility of resorting to music as a coping tactic to manage stressful experiences.
As depicted in Figure 1, stressors can initiate the use of diverse
musical coping strategies (emotional, cognitive, and behavioral)
that aim at managing stress (Miranda & Claes, 2009). The reviewed literature provides several (albeit scattered) examples of
such strategies via some of the items that were used in surveys. In
terms of emotional management strategies, examples include “help
myself gain more positive emotions” (Miranda & Claes, 2009) or
“with music I can vent aggression” (ter Bogt et al., 2011). In terms
of cognitive problem-solving strategies, examples can consist of
“help myself reflect better” (Miranda & Claes, 2009) or “to be
creative/use his/her imagination” (North et al., 2000). In terms of
behavioral avoidance strategies, instantiations include “avoid
thinking about my problems” (Miranda & Claes, 2009) or “to
forget about your problems” (Kuntsche et al., 2016: 2024 – Do my homework – Help write my assignment online).
One’s Musical Coping Profile Consists of the
Interplay Among Emotional, Cognitive, and
Behavioral Strategies
Adolescents have the choice to deploy each musical coping
strategy to the degree they see fit to manage stress; however, they
will nonetheless tend to reiterate this pattern across stressors
(Miranda & Claes, 2009; Miranda et al., 2010 – Essay Writing Service: Write My Essay by Top-Notch Writer). In Figure 1, this
principle is illustrated by two hypothetical individuals (X and Y),
each with different musical coping profiles based on different
typical levels of emotional, cognitive, and behavioral strategies. To
illustrate this tripartite model more specifically, Figure 1 uses three
musical coping strategies evidenced by Miranda and Claes (2009):
emotional management, problem-solving, and avoidance. Following this logic, for instance, individual X would be low in emotional
management (emotional strategy), high in problem-solving (cognitive strategy), and low on avoidance (behavioral strategy). Conversely, individual Y would be high in emotional management
(emotional strategy), low in problem-solving (cognitive strategy),
and high on avoidance (behavioral strategy). Based on coping
research in adolescence (Compas et al., 2001), these two simulated
musical coping profiles (X and Y) would be respectively associated with better and poorer mental health. Of course, other musical
coping profiles can be hypothesized and eventually tested with
data. The point here is that researchers should probably theorize
and test different musical coping profiles that would consider the
within-person interplay among coping strategies within each adolescent. Indeed, research suggests that musical coping strategies
are not used in isolation and that they may actually work in
synergy to predict outcomes (Miranda et al., 2010 – Essay Writing Service: Write My Essay by Top-Notch Writer). Moreover,
although there are individual differences in coping strategies, these
strategies can nonetheless change over time (Compas et al., 2014: 2024 – Essay Writing Service | Write My Essay For Me Without Delay).
In Figure 1, at the center of the area covered by musical coping, the
double-headed arrow illustrates that musical coping strategies can
interact within each individual and that the nature of this interplay
may even change across time. Hence, future longitudinal research
should examine the stability and change of different musical
coping profiles by conducting cluster analysis or LCA.
Musical Coping—Especially Emotion-Oriented
Coping—Can Partially Overlap With Musical
Emotion Regulation
Many scholars can sustain a conceptual divide between musical
coping and musical emotion regulation or simply argue that it is
the same thing. However, both concepts are probably distinct and
yet intertwined. As shown in Figure 1, emotional coping strategies
are likely to overlap to some degree with emotion regulation when
people engage in musical activities. However, this is not the case
(or not as much) for cognitive and behavioral coping strategies. In
all cases, the distinction between musical coping and musical
Emotional
strategies
Cognitive
strategies
Behavioral
strategies
Musical Emotion Regulation Musical Coping
+ +

X
X
X
Y
Y
Y
Outcomes
(e.g., mental health)
Stressors
Physiological Effects of Music
(e.g., relaxation, stimulation)
Figure 1. A model of musical coping in adolescence.
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MUSICAL COPING 7
emotion regulation is also an empirical question. A methodological
strategy could provide much impulse toward resolving this conceptual question. Notably, the incremental validity of musical
coping could be tested against that of musical emotion regulation.
For example, musical emotion regulation could be statistically
controlled (i.e., its variance partialed-out) when testing the relationships between musical coping and any given outcome (e.g.,
mental health). If musical coping strategies are still significant
predictors of this given outcome—over and above musical emotion regulation strategies—then there might be something functionally distinctive about musical coping. If not, then musical
coping may not explain anything that musical emotion regulation
would not already explain. In Figure 1, this would amount to
examining if the regions of musical coping that do not overlap with
musical emotion regulation can predict a given outcome, notably
mental health or wellbeing. Unfortunately, conjoint research comparing coping with emotion regulation is still rare in psychology
(Compas et al., 2017), let alone in music psychology. Therefore,
researchers are encouraged to take on the challenge of making this
head-to-head comparison (musical coping vs. musical emotion
regulation) in their empirical work.
Conclusion
Empirical research suggests that musical coping (i.e., coping
through music) is present in adolescent development. However,
research on music and coping in adolescence is still in its very
beginning. Notably, the few existing studies are difficult to compare as they often use different assumptions and measures. In
research on music listening, coping is inconsistently studied in
terms of how adolescents manage their stress through music,
which should represent musical coping. Conversely, in research on
music making, coping is more consistently studied in the context
of how music students cope with music performance stress and
anxiety, which represents coping with a stressful musical situation.
In sum, there is probably two priorities for future research on
music and coping in adolescence. First, to conduct more research
on musical coping through music making (i.e., how adolescents
cope with stress via making music). Second, to test if musical
coping impacts adolescent development over and above other
coping strategies, as well as musical emotion regulation strategies.
In sum, although musical coping seems to exist, notably during
music listening, its potential impact on adolescent development
needs to be further tested and clarified.
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